Brent Boli

HRS 220

Dubois

Reading Analysis

Word Count: 1800

“Women Mystics in the Thirteenth Century”, Chapter five of Jesus as Mother by Caroline Walker Bynum

Outline

1. Selective Summary

A. Relevant Questions/Main point of the essay

B. Gertrude of Helfta

i. Images of God

a. Conception of God

b. Conception of the Eucharist

c. Way of thinking about justice/obedience

ii. Role and Sense of Self

C. Mechtild of Hackeborn

i. Images of God

a. Conception of God

b. Conception of the Eucharist

c. Way of thinking about justice/obedience

ii. Role and Sense of Self

D. Mechtild of Magdeburg

i. Images of God

a. Conception of God

b. Conception of the Eucharist

c. Way of thinking about sin and justice/obedience

ii. Role and Sense of self

E. Conclusions of Bynum

2. Evaluation

A. Evaluation of Roles in regard to gender

B. Evaluation of nun’s images of God

C. Evaluation of nun’s sense of Eucharist

D. Evaluation of nun’s conception of obedience

3. Wider Relevance

1. Selective Summary

Bynum begins this essay by bringing up two questions she would like to answer. She states that mysticism was “more common among women than men” (172) and so she asks “Why were women so prominent in thirteenth century mysticism?” and “Why did their piety have the particular characteristics that it did?” (172). To answer this question Bynum uses the accounts of three of the nuns of Helfta because “their reports of visions and inner experiences or meditations form the largest single body of women’s mystical writing in the period” (174). To Bynum this issue needs to be explored because the mysticism of women form this period had never been studied from a historical standpoint and was frequently passed off as female emotionalism and nuptial imagery (171).

The first nun Bynum introduces is Gertrude of Helfta. Bynum discusses for each nun their images of God as well as their role and sense of self. For Gertrude “God is judge as well as comforter” (186). “Christ…is a lover, friend, and bridegroom, but he is also ruler and judge” (187). “Even with Mary and the saints, power, glory and authority are at least as important as mercy and love” (187). In essence, Gertrude saw her God and other religious figures as being a combination of harsher and softer qualities. For Gertrude, the Eucharist was extremely important to her as “it lies at the center of her piety” (193). To Gertrude “Christ’s body and blood…are awesome, powerful, and royal as well as comforting and accessible” (193). Gertrude stresses obedience to God “as part of an acceptance of divinity as an awesome order and justice beyond our comprehension” (195) which is in contrast to “Julian of Norwich’s need for a God of comfort and mercy beyond justice” (195).

Gertrude of Helfta “sees service at the heart of the monastic vocation” (197). Her service to others was authenticated by “visions and the inexpressible union that lay behind them” (200). Part of Gertrude’s service was to provide counsel and help for her sisters, oftentimes acting as a sort of priest by allowing some sisters to take communion without confession because Christ has declared it okay for the day through a vision she had had (203-205). She is a kind of mediator for her sisters as well as a conduit between Christ and the convent, and it is in this way that she perceives herself.

The next nun is Mechtild of Hackeborn. Her image of God is very similar to Gertrude’s, again stresses both harsh and soft qualities, though she does have a “greater emphasis on God as comforter” (212). The Eucharist also is important to Mechtild. She sees it as the “point at which our humanity meets divinity and is united with it” (214). This thinking about the Eucharist is made even more important when Bynum points out that “it is union with a regal God and not sacrifice that is the fundamental fact is salvation” (217), thus giving the Eucharist the ability to impute continuous salvation. Mechtild places a fairly equal stress on obedience as does Gertrude (217), and she also sees the necessity for judgment in a similar light (213).

Mechtild does not see herself in the same light as Gertrude does. She instead sees her role of service as being “prayer and offering an example” (218). Bynum says that “Helfta benefited in a special way from Mechtild’s prayers” (219). Even so, it seems friars and laity alike use Mechtild “for information and counseling” (220) because of her visions and closeness to Christ. “She is explicitly called ‘preacher’ and ‘apostle’ and identified as the ‘governor’ of the abbey along with the abbess” (225). Thus she too possesses a role similar to Gertrude’s as a leader and one whose service is in many ways similar to that of a priest.

The last nun is Mechtild of Madgeburg. She was a generation older than the previous two nuns and did not grow up in the abbey like they did (228). Her imagery about God is much more “erotic and nuptial” (229) and she sees God as “a lover and a spouse” (229). Her emphasis in the Eucharist is not on union with God like the previous two nuns but in “an identification with Christ’s bleeding and pain” (230). She does this because she puts great stress on suffering and seems to be “at home only in an acute suffering” (231). She is also extremely afraid of “sin and damnation” (234). “She is less secure with God’s justice” (228), and even seems to want to deny that humans might have a sinful nature (233-234).

Mechtild of Magdeburg’s “picture of herself is of someone alone and persecuted” (239). But she does she herself as “a teacher, counselor, and mediator” (235). She “is explicitly aware of being female and of the benefits and liabilities of the gender” (241). This is in contrast to the other two nuns who never even comment on their gender (241). So it seems that even though Mechtild, because of her visions and closeness to Christ has the authority to be a teacher and counselor, she does not place her emphasis on those things. Instead she seems to limit her roles and abilities because of her gender.

Then in conclusion Bynum returns to the questions she had asked previously. Why were women so prominent in mysticism? Bynum answers this question with one sweeping statement about the impact of these women’s visions and their connection to Christ. “[Christ] gave them an authorization to do and be much of what contemporaries understood by evangelism and his authorization was far more direct and final than any office or tradition could be” (251). In other words, because of their visions these women were given an authority by Christ equal to or even higher than that of a priest. Why did women mystics have the peculiar piety that they did? Bynum states that there was a “need for a substitute to clerical experience” (253). For these women, the Eucharist provided exactly that. “The Eucharist was the equivalent of and the occasion for ecstasy. Ecstasy gave them religious power as well as delight--authorization for at least some elements of the most highly valued religious role” (257-58).

2. Evaluation

I will begin my evaluation with an analysis of Bynum’s particular claims in regard to the nuns. For Gertrude of Helfta, whose service was to provide counsel and help for her sisters, “The cumulative impact of Gertrude’s visions…[is] to project women into one of those structures, the pastoral and mediating role, which is otherwise denied to them” (203). Bynum’s contention is that the visions of these mystics enabled them to appropriate a role previously reserved only for the priesthood, thus somewhat erasing their general inequality. This seems a well founded conclusion, but I think we should be careful not to draw certain conclusions from it. One conclusion would be that Gertrude took this role upon herself because of felt inequalities so she was able to become equal with her male counterparts. This conclusion would have little evidence behind it. It seems much more likely that because Gertrude of Helfta had grown up in an environment outside of traditional life that she simply took on the role which was presented to her, without any conscious thought of gender.

The flip side to this is Mechtild of Madgeburg, who frequently mentioned her gender and was somewhat preoccupied with it. But, rather than discounted her ability and visions because of her gender, she uses her gender as justification for her continual (though less often than the other two nuns) role as a counselor and teacher. It is just because of her low image of herself/women in general that she sees herself as “a purged channel by which God may speak to others” (242). Because of her stress on suffering and its necessity in salvation Mechtild of Madgeburg sees her lower status as a women as a type of suffering, thus making her fully capable to minister to others and pray for others in a way that many men would not be able. Thus, though Gertrude and Mechtild of Hackeborn were justified in their “priestly” roles by the visions themselves, Mechtild of Madgeburg was justified to use her visions for the benefit of others because she was a woman. I found these claims to be fairly well justified and they make sense.

What is not so clear, however, are Bynum’s descriptions of each of these nun’s beliefs and images of God. She does not develop points that she could have made such as how the way the nuns thought about God (both harsh and just in the case of Gertrude and Mechtild, or as a lover in the case of Mechtild of Madgeburg) might affect the ways they thought about gender and their roles, or vice versa. Though she hints at the connections, she never convincingly explains it.

Her claim that the Eucharist gave these women a sort of priestly power which is why they emphasize it so highly in their piety does make sense. What is not certain is how much emphasis these nuns would have placed on the Eucharist within their own minds. Though studying descriptions of their visions tells us about the visions themselves, it does not tell us if these women thought in the same ways that their visions might lead us to believe.

Lastly is Bynum’s discussion on how each nun viewed obedience and sin. This, like the image of God, was simply hinted at as being a factor of influence. Unfortunately it was never fully connected to the main thesis.

3. Wider Relevance

This essay contains many thoughtful starting points for further discussion and exploration in our class. The most important, of course, is the way in which women in various religious systems can gain authority and power equal or higher than a man without the system itself being compromised and without any of the current male authority figures taking notice. It will be interesting to see if this emerges in other religious systems and if this ever occurred in Christianity at a time period other than the thirteenth century. It is also interesting to note how a woman’s emphasis in religious ritual and worship can differ from a man’s because of power structure and the imagery associated with it. This too should be something to watch for in other religions.

There were two questions raised by this essay which it might be helpful to ask as we look at other religions. The first is: Does a person’s conception of deity affect the way they perceive themselves, and does the way a person perceives themselves affect their conception of deity? The second question is: Does a person’s gender have anything to do with their conception of justice and sin? Does their conception of justice and sin modify their sense of self and their roles within the community? We should keep these things in mind as we continue our study of gender and religion.

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Ronald J. Pipion

October 5, 2004

HRS 220-Professor J. Dubois

Caroline Walker Bynum, Jesus As Mother,

Did the Twelfth Century Discover the Individual? Chapter 3

2. Selective Summary: Evaluating Bynum’s supporting statements one discovers proof which substantiates her claim that the twelfth century discovered the individual.

3. Humanism

A) Bynum attributes "humanism", (an emphasis on human dignity, virtue, and efficacy), to contribute to self-awareness.

4. Individuality

A) The Individual

B) Self Identification

C) Groups\Role Awareness

5. Conclusion

A) Moral Development

6. Evaluation

A) Review

B) Consideration

C) Assessment

7. Wider Relevance

A) The Nature of Men

B) Androgynous Method

Reading Response: Caroline Walker Bynum, Jesus As Mother, Did the Twelfth Century Discover the Individual? Chapter 3

In chapter 3 of Caroline Walker Bynum’s book titled Jesus as Mother, it is questioned, "Did the twelfth century discover the individual? She argues that the answer to this question is derived from concepts of "humanism" and "individuality". The emphasis placed by thinkers of the twelfth century on inner motivation and on psychological development provides further insight to Bynum’s position on self-realization as a means of self identification. Evaluating Bynum’s supporting statements one discovers proof which substantiates her claim that the twelfth century discovered the individual.

Bynum’s research revealed the twelve century did discover the individual. Her source was the consensus of medievalists and scholars. She concurs there was an optimism about the capacity of the individual for achievement. Bynum attributes "humanism", (an emphasis on human dignity, virtue, and efficacy), to contribute to self-awareness. Bynum states models and groups gave consciousness to rebirth of the discovery of nature and man. Laws governing their behavior within the group, made the twelfth century person perceive they have dawned the cloak of "individuality". "Individuality" as we know it today means the person is developing uniqueness by achieving a boundless environment. The twelfth century sold “individuality” as converting from one constriction to one that was different:

The twelfth century discovered the outer as well as the inner man, the literal and external as well as the subjectiv were in e and emotional, the model as well as the motive. And the models that are so emphasized are a way of talking about the newly apparent groups, a way in which these groups created group identification (Bynum, 95).

Bynum found that groups provided a means of self-identity through change, allegiance, and adherence to their governing laws. Because the groups governing laws proposed an altered state, twelfth century society felt that met their need for self-identifying. The discovery of their new persona, although dictated by group governing laws, did not proceed beyond boundary; but sufficiently offered modification to justify their need for self-discovery.

Bynum stresses the twelfth century was noted by its movement for individuality. She states: "In the past fifteen years, however, claims for the twelfth century have increasingly been claims for the discovery of "the individual," who crops up--with his attendant characteristic "individuality" (Bynum, 83). Bynum recognizes the intense scrutiny of self, the magnified desire to create interior change, to invent a new sense of self. Bynum describes "individualism" as:

Their word individuum (individualis, singularis) was a technical term in

the study of dialectic; what they thought they were discovering when they turned within was what they called "the soul" (anima), or "self" (seipsum), or the "inner man" (homo interior) (Bynum, 87).

Why did the people of the twelfth century seek individuality? Bynum offers:

They were aware of the possibility of hypocrisy. Indeed, excessive attention to the outer without concomitant inner growth and virtue--which they called Phariseeism or literalism or judaizing--was a favorite charge leveled against new monks by older groups. People of the period were also capable of "spiritualizing" literal observances and were aware when they did so. Observances like silence, withdrawal, and fasting, which were literally followed in some orders, became more "metaphorical" in others. Some groups withdrew to actual wasteland; to others the desert was a condition of the heart (Bynum, 98).

Bynum reports there was a new concern with self-discovery and psychological self-examination. Ceremonial religious structure confined emotionalism and the expressions of fervor, zeal, and charisma. The restriction of religious society and formalization of spirituality, turned the twelfth century to self-evaluation and self- discovery in order to create an identity that superseded this boundary. Bynum argues, by adopting a religious model, one was shaping their inner behavior and exterior behavior, in which twelfth century religious concerns did not satisfy:

It depicts a burgeoning throughout Europe of new forms of communities, with new rules and custumals providing new self-definitions and articulating new values (85). Rather twelfthcentury religious writing and behavior show a great concern with how groups are formed and differentiated from each other, how roles are defined and evaluated, how behavior is conformed to models. If the religious writing, the religious practice, and the religious orders of the twelfth century are characterized by a new concern for the "inner man," it is because of a new concern for the group, for types and examples, for the "outer man'' (Bynum, 85).

Bynum suggests during the twelfth century, psychological development was molded by adherence to group persuasion fueled by passion of potentially discovering uniqueness. The Christian life welcomed group expression as long as it was the expression they dictated behavior to be. People could identify and define their persona by demonstrating a pious posture. Bynum expounds: "He was totally on fire and he put others on fire; he acted and spoke now [like] John in the desert, now [like] Paul in public ...." (Bynum, 96). Self-satisfaction in the twelfth century called for the complete embodiment of group allegiance. Moral improvement motivated ideas of group conformity which spawned awareness of roles.

Conclusion

Bynum’s research showed: "self liberation" and "identity reformation" was the hallmark of the twelfth century. Bynum successfully supported her claim that the twelfth century was marked by its movement for "individuality". She clearly shows the difference between the definition of self-discovery in the twelfth century and how we know "identity" today. "Humanism" was indeed a factor in the development of the self. Bynum proved the inquisitive nature of man, of the twelve century, quested for uniqueness and conformity to a group through adherence to governing laws to achieve individuality. Moral development became a motivating force and a means of differentiating social behavior from standard behavior.

Evaluation

In review of Bynum’s poignant view of the twelfth century "individuality" movement, I found her focal point was reflective of this era. The era discovered the self and the self indeed sought development. "Individuality" was found to provide uniqueness as well as unity. "Uniqueness" was established in superseding boundaries and molding a new persona. Unfortunately, twelfth century society found "individuality" in abandoning one confinement for a new confinement (groups) and considered that as fully developing the outer and inner person. Since outward and inner development was desired, the "group" served as a catalyst for self development. A model was a place to transition into a new behavior, thus, the perception of change occurred. .

My overall assessment of Bynum's research was that the reshaping and development of self emphasized the increased sensitivity of self creation that occurred in the twelfth century. Self-identification, awareness of roles, and group & model affiliation, were prevalent in the twelfth century. The quest for individuality, sought through a menu of roles, provided by religious models gave the individual the perception of true transformation into a new persona. A "group" in the twelfth century may have provided a means of change, but one was still bound by the rules of the model and never achieved unbound individuality.

Wider Relevance

The nature of man inherently seeks to evolve. The twelfth century was a conducive environment to facilitate change. It was that era which nurtured the possibility of hypocrisy. The Pharisaical behavior of postulating a righteous exterior and not nurturing the "soul," gave credence to seeking alternatives. The suppression of inner development compelled observers to withdraw from standard society and seek self expression. They did so by communing in obscure places to express "spiritualizing," and to create a new personality.

In order to advertise "groups" of the twelfth century as compassionate and all including, it had to appease and relinquish religious dominion. Group dynamics in the twelfth century had to present empathy for different female social roles. A stumbling block for religion was in seeing beyond their dilemma presented in I Corinthians 11: 9, "For the man was not created for the woman but the woman for the man" (Bible). Bynum reports this stress was addressed this way:

For the stress of twelfth-century piety on feelings was also complemented by a new emphasis on conforming behavior to types or models. The twelfth century discovered the outer as well as the inner man, the literal and external as well as the subjective and emotional, the model as well as the motive. And the models that are so emphasized are a way of talking about the newly apparent groups, a way in which these groups created group identification (Bynum, 95

Bynum’s androgynous use of scholarship presented the male perspective of coping with achieving "individuality," which insinuated the ignorance of female experience. Women strived for individuality through group recognition; but androcentric methods ignored reporting those details. This chapter speaks to striving for self-discovery but presents a male perspective of the dilemmas faced in the twelfth century. Bynum, through androgynous scholarship, exposed deliberate omission of female predicaments without specifically pointing out exclusion.